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Change Yes, Ron Paul No

Ron Paul’s obnoxious supporters like more traditional political activists can spin and delude themselves about election results. But the Iowa caucus results could not be clearer: The vast national desire for political change is manifesting itself through support for both Democratic and Republican change-candidates. Despite Paul being flush with money and having a large number of workers in Iowa, he was solidly rejected as the leading change agent.

Even with a huge historic turnout of about 348,000 participants, Paul did not attract significant numbers of independents that could easily participate in the Republican caucuses. They went to Obama, Edwards and Huckabee.

On the Democratic side, of some 232,000 people that turned out for the caucuses, nearly doubling what it was four years ago, about 70 percent wanted change and went for Obama and Edwards, roughly 150,000 participants.

On the Republican side, of the 116,000 participants, about 40,000 change-voters went for Huckabee, compared to 11,600 that chose Paul, giving him fifth place.

That 10 percent for Paul was very close to the 9 percent found in a Des Moines Register poll of likely caucus voters (margin of error 3.5 points). Interestingly, like Paul, Huckabee also wants to eliminate the federal income tax.

In both parties, change-voters totaled about 200,000. So Paul received just 6 percent of that large fraction, and just 3 percent of the total of all caucus participants in Iowa. Paul was first in only one county, Jefferson, with 36 percent

Edwards was absolutely correct when he summed things up this way: “The one thing that is clear from the results in Iowa tonight is the status quo lost and change won.”

With all the hoopla from Paul supporters about younger people being for Paul, that’s not what the Iowa results showed.

Younger people seeking change and inspiration flocked to Obama, in particular. There was no demographic in Iowa that overwhelmingly went for Paul. Sure, Paul beat Giuliani, but Paul’s effort in Iowa was much bigger than Giuliani’s.

None of these results will impact Paul’s supporters nationwide. Earl Ofari Hutchinson wrote a great article on Alternet.org: “Ron Paul is Scary, But Those Who Cheer Him Are Even Scarier.” He was right when he said: “The scariest thing about GOP presidential contender Ron Paul is not his fringe, odd-ball racial views. It is that people take him seriously.” But now Iowa has thankfully shown that the vast majority of Americans, especially those seeking political change, reject Paul.

After losing badly in Iowa Paul said: “The other candidates talk about tinkering with the status quo. We don’t want to tinker; we want to change the status quo.” He said that his campaign is on the upswing and gaining support among independents, frustrated Republicans and unhappy Democrats. Just one very big problem: The Iowa results show that all these people are much more likely to vote for other Democratic and Republican change-candidates.

Paul’s supporters claim that he will do much better in New Hampshire where Libertarian Party members hold a number of offices. I don’t think so. Several polls taken before the Iowa results found Paul at just 5 to 9 percent. Will Paul get a big boost from Iowa? I don’t think so. Paul had predicted he could finish in third place in Iowa, and many of his supporters think he will do that in New Hampshire. I don’t think so. Paul will likely finish fifth in New Hampshire, in large part because more independents will go to Obama and McCain.

When Paul first ran for president as the Libertarian Party candidate in 1988, he won just 0.54 percent of the vote. Iowa shows that his second presidential bid will not produce much better results. Paul is definitely not tapping in a major way into the national populist movement, major desire for political change, anti-status quo sentiment, or even the anti-Iraq war issue. Clearly, other Democratic and Republican change-candidates are doing much better. This reality will not affect Paul’s passionate, cult-like followers that are solidified like cement in their belief that Paul can and should be our next president, something that Paul himself probably never really believed.

Online Political Science Degree – Be A Success – Make A Change

After successfully completing an online political science degree from an accredited university or school, political science majors see world events from various perspectives. There are those who pursue this degree in hopes of launching a political or civil service career.

However, there are various other career options. You can be a high school teacher, college professor, campaign manager, legislative aid, agency specialist, state legislator, district attorney, legislative attorney, consultant, lobbyist, press secretary or even a judge. With these job options, the salary and benefits you can receive is definitely more than sufficient.

Since most voters usually decide at the spur of the moment, political science students learn how to research on context, particularly about different governments which have either failed or thrived in their social agendas. Political Science students concentrate on specific areas of politics such as international relations or the local government.

It is a sad fact that there are politicians who don’t really understand minor to major issues which their constituents are facing. To resolve this, they rely on a team of expert consultants and analysts which can fill in gaps for their election platforms. With knowledge on these specializations, students are able to build a track record of research. Later on, they can use these in gaining expertise on their chosen fields.

Whether it’s an on-campus or online political science degree program, most universities and colleges encourage their students to participate in their specific department. They require their students to complete short certificate programs or to commit to a lifelong career via a PhD in their chose specialty.

There are various political science degree programs you can choose from depending on your level of education and background. If you are a working professional or a student and you were not able to complete your undergraduate degrees in Political Science, you still have a chance to enhance your skills via an online certificate program or through an associate’s degree.

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With a certificate program, you can build crucial skills in certain specialty areas. Working professionals can use these certificate programs in providing addition expertise so that they can qualify for career moves or promotions. With an associate’s degree, students become exposed to career opportunities in public service.

Then again, many are reconsidering this option because competition is tough. As a result, online universities and colleges encourage their applicants to roll over their course credits and consider a master’s degree program or a full 4-year online Political Science degree program. When it comes to a master’s degree in Political Science, you can use your life experiences as well as your previous undergraduate work in exploring deeper issues in politics and influence.

This is a great way in deepening your understanding of the political structure and its noted influence on both domestic as well as international policies. Niche fields like nonprofit law, public policy, administrative theory, regulatory policy and labor management relations fall into play in these graduate programs.

If you are only aiming for a part-time degree, you can earn credits by completing a 2 to 5 year online Political Science degree program. This way, you can land in a career as a civil servant or as a campaign worker. Then again, if you want to advance further and you are thinking of pursuing a Political Science doctorate degree, this is the best way to increase your chances of becoming leaders of private research foundations or tenured faculty members.

Through an online Political Science degree, you can focus on deeper topics like transnational & comparative politics and policy; public administration; policy analysis and administration; justice politics and policy; as well as American politics and policy. An online political science degree program is your best bet to succeeding in Political Science careers.

This is the best and most effective way to learn certain skills and characteristics which can help you in your chosen field. This includes the efficiency in oral presentation; a more thorough understanding of the American political system; strong written communication skills; comprehensive yet accurate research skills; a better understanding of international politics & policy; as well as more effective interview skills & techniques.

To become certified as a teacher, you need to meet both local and state requirements. You may need to pursue continuous or additional education in order to maintain your eligibility. If you are applying at a federal agency, you would need to pass a complex entry exam before you can get a personal interview. Thus, during the interview, you may even be required to join in role playing exercises.

For a civil servant position, you would succumb to a rigorous background check. This means, if you have something to hide, you would need to divulge your incriminating and embarrassing information during the early part of the interview. Once you pass the substance or drug abuse test as well as the background check, you can get a low level security clearance.

As you advance to higher profile projects, you will also earn higher clearance levels.

Book Review: ‘real Change’ by Newt Gingrich. Read It

Gingrich is probably the smartest man in US politics and political activism – at least as far as real policies based on real world demands are concerned. His latest book, ‘Real Change’ is a synthesis of what his new organisation American Solutions [www.americansolutions.org] has been working on, to give policy makers some ideas to fix key problems in US society and politics. For anyone interested in fixing parts of America which do not work, this book is a good overview of what ails America and what can be done to fix it. As one may expect, it is government, the bureaucracy and the fantastical naive and bloody-minded faith in government, which is in need of real change. Gingrich outlines why that is.

Keynesians, the eco-cult fanatics, the race reductionists, the protectionists and the appeasement minded would of course, never read such a book. For these happy little Marxist minds, the warm blue blanket of the nanny state and creating clients out of citizens, is the main objective. Security, risk reduction, guaranteed incomes and jobs, and total safety are the primary concerns of these chattering trolls. These ideals are the root of the issues facing America and every other industrialised state for that matter. In order to break the current vicious and immature cycle of broken behavior and bankrupted systems, some real change as Gingrich outlines, is urgently needed.

Gingrich summarizes quite well and transparently, why government fails and what can be done to correct these failures. He discusses the key subject areas facing the US and then proposes some common-sensical and relevant options to change the system. Importantly he focuses on results – applying simple models and patterns to solve questions and then monitoring the outcomes. Metrics, and implementing concepts which actually work, are anathema to government and bureaucracies.

Some topics Gingrich discusses:

1. Iraq and Afghanistan

These ten pages on what went wrong in Iraq and also in Afghanistan [pp 107-118] are perhaps the most interesting in the book. Gingrich has over 30 years affiliation as a trainer and confidante of the military. From 2003 until the 2007 surge, Iraq as a policy was failing, and it was the fault not of the military personnel on the ground, but of the civilian and military bureaucracy outside the war zones.

As Gingrich relates:

-In 2003 after a stunningly successful 3 week invasion, the Bush administration reduced Iraqi intelligence resources [which were vital to secure the country].

-Instead of using the Iraqi army to help police the country, the military bureaucracy disbanded the Iraqi armed forces.

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-The Iraqi adminstration under Paul Bremer did not learn from Afghanistan where you had to liberate and not occupy the country. Instead of using Iraqi’s and an Iraqi bureaucracy to help stabilise and rebuild the country, the American administration acted as an occupier not a liberator. This directly gave rise to the insurgency and general malcontent in Iraq.

-No civilian support in infrastructure, economics, health or energy was forthcoming. The State Department and the military bureaucracy had no plans nor any ideas about how to stabilise a failed state like Iraq.

-Billions of dollars were spent in Iraq with no results and no metrics. The US bureaucracies totally failed in their objectives to help the military rebuild Iraq and to take active and productive roles in stabilising a failed state.

As Gingrich rightly points out, basically the US military was asked to perform 2 impossible tasks – win the war and act as a functioning bureaucracy. The second task is not something a military can credibly do.

Even in Afghanistan, the bureaucracy was the problem. As Gingrich states, ‘In 2002, I learned that the United States had been unable to pave a single mile of road in Afghanistan during the summer season.’ This was due to bureaucratic incompetence not a lack of money. Like Iraq, billions were spent in Afghanistan with no results, no metrics and no rush to implement something which would work. Thousands of swarming bureaucrats covered both countries like locusts, bunkered down, meeting, meeting again, meeting some more, with no view on being effective and without a coordinated and intelligent plan about meeting key metrics in energy, transportation, infrastructure build, policing or public safety. The burden was placed solely on the military.

2. Immigration

Gingrich voted for the Reagan amnesty bill of 1986 because it promised to be a one time deal. The deal was simple: illegal amnesty would be granted once; border security and control would be effected immediately; and there would be a verification of all foreign workers now and going forward. Only the amnesty occurred. The US now has most likely over 30 million illegals. It is a cultural, social and economic burden that is unsustainable. Contrary to myth uneducated illegals are a net drain on the US economy – by at least billion per annum.

According to Gingrich and American Solutions over 75% of Americans want the border secured and do not want amnesty given to illegals; and they want more skilled workers on work visas. Yet they will most likely receive the opposite of that from their politicians. The border remains – even with the building of the southern fence – open with all the risks regarding terrorism and fascist Islam that entails; and most politicians eying the Hispanic and minority vote want to appear sympathetic to the idea of amnesty. The idea of extending skilled workers visas does not sit well with protectionists, unions and those who prefer illegal immigration to legal, documented visa based immigration.

3. Tax and spending cuts

Only a few politicians really believe that government is fundamentally too large, and that taxes are ridiculously high. For most politicians the tax payer is a faceless robot, who should pay more into the system to establish more programs and more welfare services. Gingrich outlines why historically, regimes with high taxes and big government have failed. Dynamic and productive societies have a true belief in entrepreneurship, capital formation, science and technological innovation. Static and regressive states do not.

Gingrich and his organisation are calling for some needed and dramatic fiscal reforms including: tort and legal liability reform; a national flat tax on consumption with a change in the constitution to prevent income from being taxed in the future; abolishing all other taxes on income and capital gains and reducing non-essential spending by over half. If even a small part of this plan was adopted the US economy would add millions of jobs literally over night and be running huge federal budget surpluses.

These are just some of the issues Gingrich discusses. He goes into market based reforms of Social Security, Health Care, Education, Crime, Energy and the need for overhauling the Judicial system. Neither major US party believes that fundamental change is needed.

The Democrats are witless and clueless and would return America back to the days of Herbert Hoover, FDR or Peanut boy Jimmy Carter. The Republicans are big spending conservative statists, who believe in tax cuts, but also in ramping up the size of government in every possible sphere even as they subsidise huge corporations in auto manufacturing, ethanol development, agricultural production or sundry other industrial segments. As Gingrich observes it is only the American people who will effectively force change by demanding results across a broad range of important issues, accountability, fairness and wealth creation, not destruction.

For those interested in thoughtful intelligent policy, this book is a great primer. For people interesetd in real change which would effectively help cure what ails parts of America, this book is indispensable.

Why Did Voters Change Their Preferences From 2006 to 2010? Part One: 2006 Elections

A reader has asked me to comment on my thoughts regarding the following phenomenon:

The fact that US voters ousted Republicans from power by voting for Democrats in the 2006 midterms, voted for “change” with Obama in 2008, and then suddenly reversed course again during the 2010 election in favor of Republicans.

Why such a great change in voter attitudes within a short period of time? Why such a rapid shift in attitudes between 2008 and 2009?

Before looking specifically at the 2006 election, let me examine one factor that contributes to voter attitudes.

VOTER UNHAPPINESS WITH THE CURRENT GOVERNMENT

I would say that one of the most potent factors influencing voter attitudes in 2006, 2008 and 2010 was the desire for change.  The American people are (logically, I’m happy to say) very unhappy with Congress.

Since at least 2006, and perhaps earlier, polls have shown very low support for Congress.  Dec 2010 figures show a record low approval rating of only 14%! The chart also shows that at the time of the elections in 2006, 2008 and 2010, approval of Congress was near then-record lows. This is consistent with the desire for change.

Why the low approval ratings of Congress? I’d argue that people realize Congress is largely a criminal entity. They realize that lobbyists have paid off many members; that Congress does not pass measures the people desire (and in fact Congress often passes measures that contradict the people’s desires). One example would be immigration.  Polls consistently show that large majorities of people want legal and illegal immigration to be reduced (The study of legal immigration found that 76% want legal immigration reduced, and 58% want it reduced by 70%).  Instead, during the Bush years, Congress tried to pass legislation that would eventually legalize criminals who broke into the country and who were taking money from taxpayers!  This problem has been occurring since at least the 1980s, when Reagan provided an amnesty for the illegals!

I use the word “criminal” to describe certain politicians, not “corrupt”, because “corrupt” is not strong enough.  “Corrupt” could imply that these politicians are, aside from the corrupt deals, otherwise good people.  Please. I once read a quote from someone whose name escapes me:  “I can steal a lot more money using a briefcase than I can using a gun”. Many people who have risen to the highest level of government likely have, in my opinion, a long history of misuse of funds, theft, abuse of power, and abuse of others in order to “rise” to their position. They are worse than common thugs are, because it’s more difficult to discover and prosecute their crimes. With political crimes it’s often more difficult for a victim to even determine when they are being victimized (theft from taxpayers).

Voters may realize that both parties are corrupt, that changing the party in power may not change government’s criminal tendencies.  However, the people do get some satisfaction from the fact that they are able to at least fire the criminals in power. (Unless you’re one of the powerful people at the SEC, who sometimes actually want to leave government so that they can enter the lucrative private sector and be rewarded by the same criminal companies whom they failed to police).  I suspect this may have been the case when the SEC’s Enforcement Director, Linda Thomsen, who was in charge when several scandals rocked the SEC the past several years, left the SEC to join Davis Polk and Wardwell.

Here’s one SEC scandal:  The Inspector General of the SEC (a seemingly honest man, surprisingly) found that, regarding sales of counterfeit shares of stocks between Jan 2007 and June 2008, “of the more than 5,000 complaints received by the Division of Enforcement during that time, not one resulted in an investigation”.  That’s almost 14 complaints a day.  Who was in charge of enforcement?  

In July 2007, the SEC disgustingly removed the uptick rule, which was in place since just after the Great Depression.  The removal allowed criminal bankers to pile on together to short a company (bet that the stock price will go down), destroying stock prices, as they did to Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers.  The removal of the uptick rule meant that shorters no longer had to wait until an uptick of a stock’s price before they could short it.

When Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers collapsed in 2008 (the former in March, the latter in September), there were millions of counterfeit shares of Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers in existence.  These shares were sold by criminals intent on making the companies collapse, and the SEC did little to prevent it.

It is little known that just three days after the collapse of Lehman Brothers, the entire US and world banking system almost collapsed as 0 billion was withdrawn by panicked US citizens in only one to two hours.  It was estimated that the entire US system would have collapsed by the end of the day after a one-day withdrawal of .5 trillion.

Here’s a second SEC scandal:  Deep Capture reported the saga surrounding an SEC Senior Investigator, Gary Aguirre.  Gary was reportedly fired by the SEC after pursuing a subpoena in order to investigate suspected criminal activity:  “The proximate cause of Aguirre’s complaint was that an insider trading investigation he had been conducting into the activities of Pequot Capital, a powerful Connecticut hedge fund, was derailed (he claimed) once the trail led towards John Mack, the influential boss of Morgan Stanley. Mr. Aguirre claimed that his SEC bosses had maneuvered to kill his investigation while warning Aguirre that Mr. Mack had too much ‘juice’ to pursue.”

After the counterfeit shares destroyed Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers, Morgan Stanley was one of the three largest surviving investment banks.

If you’re not familiar with these major stories, blame media corruption.  But that’s another story.

I want to mention one side note here. Compare the Congressional approval ratings to the average approval rating of each President throughout their terms.

Obama’s approval rating average is listed as 52%, much higher than the approval of Congress during Obama’s term to date (ranging from about 14% to 40%).

Clinton’s average approval rating is listed as 55.1%, much higher than the approval rating of Congress during Clinton’s 1993 to 2000 terms (below 40% during most of that period).

Bush’s average approval rating is listed as 49.4%, which appears to be higher than the approval rating of Congress during at least six of the eight years Bush was in power.

Why do people consistently approve of the President more than they approve of Congress?  After all, isn’t the President leader of his party, aren’t party members in Congress, and don’t all party members almost always vote the same way?

I would argue that the President’s personality affects people’s emotions, and hence interferes with their logic.  In contrast, Congress is a collection of personalities, and therefore has no representative personality that is as likely to create the emotions that override voter logic.  In short, some people who might dislike a President’s policies might still approve of him if they like his personality.

I think that people have voted for change in 2006 and 2010 because they wanted to fire those in power. In 2008 they also thought they were getting change with Obama, change from the typical manner of criminal governance.

2006 ELECTIONS

Why were voters unhappy in 2006?  After all, the economy was riding high, right? Well, overall it was, but I’d venture that the middle class was, relative to the upper class, shrinking, as a result of years of sales of counterfeit shares.  The counterfeit sales related to the public’s investment in many non-blue chip stock companies were shifting wealth from the middle class to the upper class hedge funds.  Also, years’ worth of counterfeit stock sales were illegally forcing public companies out of business and their employees out of a job.. The result was not just harm to the middle class, but gain by the larger companies who took market share away from these smaller companies.

I argue that voter anger in 2006 was largely anger at Bush.  Bush’s approval rating fell below the 50% mark in an AP-Ipsos poll in December 2004 (conducted after his narrow re-election against the unpopular flip flopping John Kerry).  His poll numbers continued to decline, and averaged in the 30s during 2006, the year the Republicans were ousted from power.  People were rightfully angry about the wasteful Iraq War and the government response to Hurricane Katrina.  The middle class were rightfully angry about their weakening position relative to the upper class.  Also, many people were becoming aware of growing evidence suggesting that the government was aware of yet allowed (and perhaps assisted with) the September 11 attacks on its own people.

So, I would conclude that the dramatic shift in voter sentiment in 2006 was largely a result of the unpopularity of Bush and the desire of voters to punish Congress, since Congress had not done much to reflect the will of the people.  Was this a smart decision made by the voters?  Well, they certainly had many valid reasons to be angry with Bush.  But when you have an election, a main question should be to determine whether a change (the election of Democrats) would result in better overall conditions for the US.

Was it reasonable to believe Democrats would pull out of the Iraq War?  I’m not sure that was reasonable, although I do think it was more likely that the Democrats (versus the Republicans) would pull out, especially since the current Republican in power was the one that initiated the Iraq War, and hence may have had more motivation than others to continue with the war in an attempt to establish success.

So, were voters voting for the right reasons when they ousted the Republicans in 2006? I don’t know.  Perhaps they tended to vote as they did to punish Bush rather than out of belief that Democrat policies would be more successful. 

One reason I hesitate to believe that the 2006 voters were voting for the most logical reasons is this:  There are many examples of instances when voters very much regret their choice of President and suddenly change their vote during the midterm elections.  This suggests that perhaps they didn’t vote logically in the first place. The 1994 midterms were one example. The 2006 midterms were another.  And the 2010 elections were another.

In Part Two, I will examine the disturbing 2008 election of Obama in the context of voter psychology.

How Would Proportional Representation Change Canadian Politics?

align=”left “>Recently MacLean’s Magazine and the
Cable Public Affairs Channel co-hosted a conference
on making the Canadian political system work better
. A large part of the
discussion revolved around proposals for new election methods, such as
proportional representation.

Currently Canada uses a “first past the post” election for each parliamentary riding. The candidate
with the most votes is elected, even if they do not have a majority. With three
or more major parties, this can result in a government getting a majority of
seats with as little as 38% of the popular vote. The various proportional systems
try to bring the proportion of seats a party gets closer to the proportion of
votes they get.

A major argument for
proportional representation is that it would encourage co-operation between
political parties rather than concentrating on gaining an advantage over other
parties. The idea is that this would make the government more democratic.

In the current
parliament, the Conservative party has close to a majority of the seats. If
they can gain the support of another 4% or 5% of voters, they could have a
majority government, which is a realistic possibility. Under proportional
representation, they would need the support of another 12% or 13% of voters,
which is not as likely. If Canada had proportional representation, the
Conservative party would likely not gain any greater power in parliament with a
new election. This would encourage them to cooperate more closely with the
opposition parties.

One article I found by Evan Wilson and Brenda O’Neill looked at how a proportional representation system introduced in New Zeeland had affected politics there. I got the results
of past Canadian
elections from Wikipedia
. I combined these observations with my own
speculation.

Who Would Lose Power
Under Proportional Representation
?

Under proportional
representation, the Conservative party would have been the biggest losers with
27 fewer seats leaving them with 116 seats. In the 2008 election, they won 143
seats out of 308 total seats, just short of a majority. The other big loser
would be the Bloc Quebecois, who would drop 18 seats from 49 to 31. This would
dramatically reduce the political influence of the Bloc.

Who Would Gain Power Under Proportional Representation?

The biggest winner would
be the Green party. In the current parliament, they have no seats, but under proportional
representation, they would gain 21 seats. This would change the Green party
from a footnote in the election results into a party with real political
influence. The New Democrats would gain 19 seats, again giving them a stronger
political influence. The Liberal party would gain a few seats, but this would not
have much effect on their political power. The Christian Heritage Party would
have gotten one seat. While this does not give them much power, it would give
the party greater credibility.

The End of Majority
Governments

A proportional
representation system in Canada is likely to result in more minority
governments. Canada has had 40 elections since confederation, only five
resulted in one party getting a majority of votes cast. These were the Liberals
in 1900 and 1904, a wartime coalition in 1917, and the Progressive
Conservatives in 1958 and 1984. In all other elections, no party gained a
majority.

Coalitions

In countries with
proportional representation it is common for several parties to form a
coalition government. This does not seem likely in Canada. In late 2008, a
proposed Liberal – New Democrat coalition was very unpopular with Canadians. In
New Zeeland formal coalitions were unpopular and more recently parties have created
temporary informal agreements on an issue-by-issue basis.

How Would Proportional
Representation Change the Way People Vote?

Studies of proportional
representation show that supporters of minor parties are more likely to vote
under proportional representation because their vote has a greater impact on
the results. For example, in 2008 the New Democrats received 67,981 votes for
every seat they won, while the Conservatives received 36,427 votes for every
seat they won.

In Canada, a higher turn
out for minor parties would most likely benefit the Green, New Democrat, and
Christian Heritage parties. These parties would all gain more political
influence beyond what they would gain from increased seats from proportional representation.

Canadians often vote
strategically. That is, they vote for their second choice since they believe
that voting for their first choice would benefit a party that they would not
like to see elected. Under proportional representation there is less value in
strategic voting. This could shift some voters away from the two major parties,
the Conservatives and Liberals, to minor parties, such as the Green, New Democrat,
and Christian Heritage parties.

What Would Happen to the
Political Parties?

Introduction of a proportional
representation system will almost certainly result in a realignment of
political parties over time. Political parties are often coalitions. For
example, the Canadian Conservative party is composed of social conservatives
and fiscal conservatives. Under proportional representation, there would be
more incentive to split up into smaller parties, which would give these two factions
greater political influence.

During the late 1990s
there was a strong push to “unite the right” because right wing politicians saw
their chances at political success ruined by vote splitting between the Reform
Party and the Progressive Conservatives. In a proportional representation system,
there would be no need or value in “uniting the right” since the right wing
parties would not lose seats because of vote splitting. They could coordinate
voting in parliament after the election.

Under a proportional
representation system, the catastrophic collapse of the Progressive
Conservatives in 1993 would have been much less drastic, leaving the Progressive
Conservatives almost as strong as the Reform party. The Progressive
Conservatives would have continued to be an important political party.

How Would Canadian Politics
Change?

Since 1962, if Canada had
used proportional representation, most of the elections would have resulted in a
Liberal minority government that relied on the New Democrats for support. This actually
did happen in 1963, 1985, and 1972. It almost happened in 2004. These
situations resulted in a shift toward the left politically in Canada.

In the 2006 and 2008
elections the Liberal and New Democrat parties would not have been able to gain
a majority between them. The growth of support for the Green party would have
meant that the Liberals would need to gain their support to become the
government. This would have resulted in greater emphasis on environmental
issues.

The Conservatives are
less likely than the Liberals to collaborate with the New Democrats or the
Greens, although, in late 2009 the New Democrats were supporting the
Conservative party. Not having a minor party it could collaborate with would
make it harder for the Conservatives to form an effective government. In some provinces,
the Conservatives have relied on the Liberals for support against the New
Democrats. In some cases, the two parties have, in effect, merged. Seeking
Liberal support at the Federal level is a viable option for the Conservatives.

Violence in Sierra Leone Elections: a Response to “charles Margai’s Take on Democracy in Sierra Leone-continuity or Change”

In addressing the substance of Mr. Margai’s proposals and recommendations in the recent Standard Times Newspaper, it is instructive to highlight what concerns and issues have necessitated, even by his own standards, such a self-acknowledged undemocratic prescription. The legitimate grave concerns of violence, indiscipline and corruption especially during elections however cannot be the basis for the sort of radical undemocratic change being espoused and advocated by Mr. Margai in his article.

The central tenet of Mr. Margai’s proposals, “that future party representation in parliament be based on the three parties, the APC, SLPP and PMDC selecting their representatives to meet the quota allotted them…., the parties concerned would come up with their representatives using internal party procedures to select these representatives”, not only fails to address the issue of violence endemic in our elections, but only serves to highlight Mr. Margai’s propensity for undemocratic institutions and processes.

Mr. Margai argues that “it is my view that the above if adopted will eradicate if not minimize:

a) violence and indiscipline at elections

b) corruption at elections

c) that tense atmosphere which normally eclipse elections will no longer be present

d) ethnicity will no longer feature at elections.”

While many Sierra Leoneans and I naturally disagree on policy grounds and principles with Mr. Margai’s proposals as relates to establishment of a “quota system” for representation in parliament; the role of parties in the selection of such members of parliament and the election of the President by the selected members of parliament, I however welcome the debate his article has and is sure to engender.

In addressing Sierra Leone’s democratic dispensation, Mr. Charles F. Margai, the leader of the Peoples Movement for Democratic Change (PMDC), provides not only an insight into his political thinking of how our “democracy” should evolve and progress but must be commended as a harbinger, if nothing else, for his policy and political thought articulation, which all political leaders must be encouraged to emulate by putting forth creative ideas and initiatives on policy issues confronting our motherland.

It is however my considered proposal that several alternative measures designed to change the entrenched practices of political parties campaigning methods and tactics need to be addressed by the National Elections Commission (NEC), the Political Parties Registration Commission (PPRC) and the Parliament. With a slate of PMDC Members of Parliament and in a coalition with the APC, Mr. Margai would be better able to address the central thesis of his article, the eradication of violence in elections, through the legislative and regulatory processes that the NEC and the PPRC can be made to bear on such an issue rather that dragging the country through a referendum.

Specifically, the practice of very large crowds of party supporters parading down streets of major cities and towns, dancing and provoking opponents with incendiary songs must be banned and relegated to the dustbin of our political history. Throughout our electoral history, this practice has only served as the fuse that has lead to violence during elections. There is actually no electoral redeemable value to such public processions and quite frankly very few if any people are swayed by which party or candidate to vote for by such displays.

The tense atmosphere permeating elections that Mr. Margai decries and seeks to eradicate can easily be minimized simply by outlawing the practice of political party rallies on public streets. Political rallies of course can be held in enclosed areas such as stadiums, court barrays and halls and members made to peaceably disperse after such gatherings.

My observations and experiences during the last 2007 elections, where mobs of youths in the employ of political parties consistently used the occasion of political rallies to destroy property and met out violence against their opponents, while under the spell of drugs and alcohol, have only served to reinforce the need to ban public political processions. Large scale political intimidations and violence perpetuated against opponents during the electioneering period were all too common spanning the entire length and breath of the country.

The use of the mass media as the primary vehicle and mode of campaigning in elections must be highlighted and effectively utilized by political parties and candidates in future elections. In this regard the use of radio during the 2007 electioneering period shall serve as a model of how local issues can be addressed through the several community radio stations throughout the country. The once single government owned and managed SLBS no longer has a monopoly on radio transmission and ownership in the country. In fact the limited range of the SLBS during the last elections rendered it virtually ineffective, as for example Radio Wanjie in Pujehun was able to provide coverage specifically to the Pujehun electorate.

The establishment of a national TV would also enhance the visual message that political parties and candidates can effectively communicate without the need for the large public street rallies and hence the atmosphere for violence. It is regrettable that after 47 years of monopoly on television rights by the government SLBS, the country except for Freetown has had no television penetration. Efforts in providing private licenses for television transmission throughout the country must be stepped up not only for its entertainment value but to ensure the sustenance of our fledgling democracy.

 Finally, it must be noted that the current system and paradigms underpinning our social, political and economic developmental aspirations have failed and the challenge facing us all is the formulation and expression of alternatives to address policy issues such as violence in the electoral system through the competition of ideas that would forestall the monopoly of barren and unprogressive political thought and practice that has so far been a hallmark of our political discourse. To this end I applaud the efforts exhibited by Mr. Charles Margai in initiating this debate.